Catalan Elections Need Not Affect Spain’s Bailout Condition or Investor Confidence

On November 6th,  Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy gave a radio interview reaffirming his position on a bailout. He said that he would not request a sovereign bailout without knowing what Spain’s borrowing rate would be, or  how the risk premium would change if the ECB began to buy up debt. Some economic analysts wonder if Rajoy’s government is waiting to see if Catalan voters defy a ban on an independence referendum in the November 25 elections, and if election victories for more Catalan nationalists will cause the region’s government to become less compliant with Spanish central and Eurozone governing bodies. All regional elections, including last month’s Basque referendum, have visible effects on Spain’s national budget, so Rajoy’s coalition is clearly concerned. However, there are many reasons to think that investor concerns about the Catalan elections and nationalism are excessive.

Credit analysts in the U.S. and EU have expressed  concern that intransigence in Catalonia will increase Spain’s woes, whether the sentiment is directed toward spending cuts or borrowing conditions. If Spain accepts an ECB bailout requiring additional austerity measures, then what is to prevent local populations from punishing central government by pushing referendums seeking autonomy in their elections, making it harder for Spain to meet budget and capital targets, expanding the crisis? Further, traders and investors worry about hedging a Catalan exit from Spain if an independence-seeking coalition is elected, which many consider a feasible danger. These fears do not accurately reflect the near-term in Catalan politics, and exaggerate the political risk posed to Spain’s markets by separatist movements. No matter how many nationalists win next week, Catalonia will not be able to exit Spain in the near term and meet its debt obligations, nor will its regional government have the means to offer significant resistance to the funding conditions of Spanish administration, let alone the ECB.

At the level of the central government in Madrid, procedural and legislative strictures ensure the populist, pro-independence victory in the polls could have only muted effects on the liquidity and debt  crisis. Spain’s national government and the EU itself have in effect measures that would make it very difficult for Catalonia break away and get integrated into the Eurozone in a short amount of time, thus making a Catalan exit from Spain a daunting and slow process.

On the Spanish domestic front, in October, Rajoy’s coalition pushed through a parliamentary ban on the Catalan independence referendum. Separatist sentiments expressed publicly by officials with economic regulatory powers have been censured. What about rogue officials, who may not be contained by relatively moderate government of Catalan President Arturo Mas? At least in the current Spanish political climate, there is no reason for alarm. The Budget Stability law this year includes strong coercive provisions to deal with such officials. Non-cooperation with the central (national) government of Spain by any regional official allows for an immediate, possibly retroactive dismissal, and a replacement chosen by officials in Madrid. Officials could lose their pensions and ability to stand for election again if they refuse to comply with the requirements of the budget reforms. Non-compliance by Catalan officials could occur, but they would have strong personal disincentives against taking this route. This will discourage many lawmakers in the region from attempting it, personal sentiments aside. The budget laws are stronger than many outsiders realize.

The majority of Catalans who favor independence traditionally emphasized the cultural separation and linguistic repression by Spain. But recent voting polls show a different concern among voters: the perception of Catalonia carrying an indue amount of the Spanish economy through taxes and re-allocation of resources. Advocates of independence believe their region would be a strong, fiscally sound country and would be willing to delay independence if they knew otherwise. But calculations based on GDP and projected debt balances suggest an independent state would run a deficit, rather than a surplus, and would be on the low end of Eurozone economies – this fact alone will prevent any ambitious Catalan politician from seeking independence now. Conversely, in Spain despite the extent of leverage it possesses, Catalonia is the sole economic powerhouse.

As for the European Union, procedural rules would make Catalan membership into a multi-year process with a time lag that would push the newly independent nation further into debt, despite its productivity. This is hardly an inviting scenario, and Catalonia’s government knows it. The EU would have to process an independent Catalan state for membership, and approval is far from guaranteed. During the time between independence and (presumptive) entrance into the European Union, Catalonia would have to issue its own currency since it would not yet be a member of Eurozone, and such notes would likely trade at a disadvantage compared to Euro, Stirling, or Dollar. The administrative costs of the transition out of the Eurozone alone would put the new nation’s balance sheets far in the red. Debt held in Euros would switch to local currency, causing international creditors to ask for repayment in the original currency. Needless to say, such transition causes enough trepidation among Catalan treasurers and financiers to induce opposition to independence at this time, even with a popular majority favoring it.

Catalonia might achieve greater autonomy, and be able to set more of its own spending caps, perhaps even continue ambitious commercial development projects. But with its credit downgraded, finding capital will be difficult. Spain’s government has assembled its bail-out funds for the regions with strict guidelines that must be followed before cash is transferred to any of them. This is not a small detail. With outside ability to borrow or raise new investment diminished, shares of national tax revenue become essential, and this funding recourse is only an option if the region remains part of the Kingdom of Spain.

Finally, Catalonia faces too many debt maturities at year’s end to continue borrowing without immediate liquidity, and should be most eager to get the repurchases moving faster. This is why the regional government requested bailout funds from Madrid earlier this year.  In the last quarter of 2012 Catalonia has more debt maturities upcoming than any other Spanish province. Many construction projects, ranging from shopping centers to amusement parks, have been funded with debt in the region. Short-term debt maturities in Catalonia cannot all be met with local revenues. Since purchase of short-term debt lies at the center of Spanish and ECB bailout packages, which makes such assistance even more important for over-developed Catalan towns. Completed or not, maturities for a wide range of bonds fall over the remainder of this year. It is unlikely to think that most Catalan politicians will push irrationally for the kind of autonomy that would leave them paying off this debt with limited or nonexistent funds.

For this reason, non-compliance need not worry us when Catalans take to the polls. Longer-term concerns about a Catalan exit from Spain (and  its de facto exit from the  EU) have their merits, but this month’s election should not have a significant effect on the Spanish economy. Increased demand for Catalan independence cannot affect Spain’s credit or borrowing conditions, unless Catalan officials were to behave to irrationally as to punish themselves by open rebellion. This is  extremely unlikely. Consequently, market jitters about the Catalan elections are unfounded. For now, Spain’s government and external fiscal pressures will ensure Catalan compliance with the national program.

7 Responses to “Catalan Elections Need Not Affect Spain’s Bailout Condition or Investor Confidence”

JosepNovember 14th, 2012 at 9:21 am

This is just not true, Just an apocalyptic scenario not serious at all. Will EU expel 7,5 million people? Common you must be joking.

Greg CaramenicoNovember 14th, 2012 at 9:49 pm

It is not that the E.U. will expel anyone, but once they leave Spain their new country will need to go through the application for E.U. membership. The E.U. has slow procedures for admitting new members. If Catalonia gains its independence, it will take some time to become part of the Eurozone, since there is no automatic entry for a new state. I think that Catalonia would get this membership but the time in between exit and reintegration could be very difficult economically.

Fernando BetancorNovember 15th, 2012 at 12:08 pm

Mr. Caramenico is extraordinarily sanguine about the possibilities of Catalan separation. This is because he does not consider the "irrational exuberance" of all nationalist movements, which defy mere economic considerations. No independence movement in history was successfully implemented through a detailed cost-benefit analysis: usually, things got out of hand quickly when popular sentiment took over. If Catalonia declares independence, it will follow a similar pattern. Mssrs. Mas and Rajoy are deluding themselves if they believe that they can control these popular sentiments.

Fernando BetancorNovember 15th, 2012 at 12:09 pm

Futhermore, there are several flaws to even the economic arguments of the piece. Assume Catalonia unilaterally declares independence and neither Spain nor the EU recognize it. For one thing, Catalonia would repudiate its share of Spain's national debt, making Spain that much less able to pay it (a very substantial tit-for-tat). Catalonia would also be forced to introduce their own currency: they would undoubtedly continue to accept euros for all transactions, but that would not be sufficient for more than the immediate term to get the presses running.

But precisely because of this, Catalonia would undoubtedly forcibly redenominate its debt into the new currency by legislative fiat at a 1:1 exchange rate, and then print enough money to cover the payments on the debt. A healthy dose of inflation would be helpful to the new Catalan state, if not to the Catalan people themselves.

Fernando BetancorNovember 15th, 2012 at 12:10 pm

Catalonia would undoubtedly suffer economic dislocations as trade patterns were disrupted and the EU began to levy tariffs on Catalan goods. Yet this should not be disastrous: it is not disastrous to the multitude of non-EU nations that export to the Common Market. It could prove to be an immense boon to Catalania in the medium-term: they would be forced to innovate, become more productive, seek out new markets, reconquer old ones and compete on a global scale. Anyone who bets against them being successful in this effort has never done business with a Catalan.

Fernando BetancorNovember 15th, 2012 at 12:11 pm

The very fact that Spain and the EU vindictively exclude Catalonia from immediately joining the currency union and common market, would turn out to be the great blessing in disguise. Freed from the idiocy of austerity and the shackles of the common currency, Catalonia could rapidly depreciate its new currency into competitiveness without going through the unimaginably stupid process of enforcing mass unemployment in order to attain "wage depreciation". As Catalonia returns to growth, it's debt-to-GDP ratio would fall, it would find financing to roll-over debt much easier to come by, and it would begin to attract FDI as foreign investors would assume that sooner or later, Europe would be forced to let Catalonia back in: assuming they wanted back in at that point.

David BowmanJuly 8th, 2013 at 11:28 pm

It will take a while to become aspect of the Eurozone, since there is no automated access for a new condition. I think that Catalonia would get this account but enough period of time in between quit and reintegration could be very challenging financially.

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Emre Deliveli is a freelance consultant, part-time lecturer in economics and columnist. Previously, Emre worked as economist for Citi Istanbul, covering Turkey and the Balkans. He was previously Director of Economic Studies at the Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey in Ankara and has has also worked at the World Bank, OECD, McKinsey and the Central Bank of Turkey. Emre holds a B.A., summa cum laude, from Yale University and undertook his PhD studies at Harvard University, in Economics.

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